Zines & Booklets

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  Market Anarchy Zine Series: Full print run

  Various / Edited by Charles Johnson

  $15.00 • Add

  Our full run: 16 Market Anarchy zines for $15^.00 (or only $8⁰⁰ when you order multiples). The Market Anarchy series was created to republish and showcase historical and contemporary articles that highlight our relation to the revolutionary left and explain Market Anarchist theory in general terms. The series includes:

  1. MA01: All Power to the Soviets! Confiscation and the Homestead Principle by Murray Rothbard (1969)
  2. MA02: Capitalistic Anarchism? The Individualist and the Communist (a dialogue) by Voltairine de Cleyre & Rosa Slobodinsky (1893)
  3. MA03: Community Watch, Protective Firms & Popular Courts Defense Services in the Free Market by Murray Rothbard (1970)
  4. MA04: Mutual Aid in Medicine by Roderick Long (1993)
  5. MA05: Fuck Neoliberalism, Fuck Borders An Anarchist Look at World Trade by BAD Press (2000)
  6. MA06: Scratching By: How Government Creates Poverty As We Know It by Charles Johnson (2007)
  7. MA07: International Apartheid: Two Essays on Government Border Laws by Charles Johnson (2007–8)
  8. MA08: If You Work For Peace, Stop Paying For War! by Gina Lunori (2003)
  9. MA09: Don't Owe Nothin': a practical guide to tax resistance by David Gross (2003)
  10. MA10: Women and the Invisible Fist by Charles Johnson (2008)
  11. MA11: Woman vs. the Nation-State by Carol Moore (1991/2006)
  12. MA12: Free Market Anti-Capitalism? State Socialism and Anarchism: how far they agree, and wherein they differ by Benjamin Tucker (1886)
  13. MA13: Libertarianism Through Thick and Thin by Charles Johnson (2008)
  14. MA14: Libertarian Feminism: Can This Marriage Be Saved? by Roderick Long and Charles Johnson (2005)
  15. MA15: Property to the People! Expropriate the Expropriators! Where Are The Specifics? by Karl Hess (1969)
  16. MA16: Liberty, Equality, Solidarity by Charles Johnson (2008)

  Our full run: 16 Market Anarchy zines for $15^.00. (Or only $8 when you order multiples.) Includes classic works by Benjamin Tucker and Voltairine de Cleyre, and contemporary pieces by Roderick Long, Charles Johnson, the Boston Anarchist Drinking Brigade, and others. [Details]
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  The Ethics of Labor Struggle

  Kevin Carson (2007)

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  Originally printed as The Ethics of Labor Struggle: A Free Market Perspective.

  A defense of wildcat unionism without government patronage, without government control, and without top-heavy bureaucracy, this pamphlet by mutualist writer Kevin Carson offers an incisive analysis of how government labor regulations, supposedly crafted to help workers unionize, has in fact domesticated the labor movement and brought it under government control — while rubbing out the most powerful strategies that unions had at their disposal in the days before government patronage — networked guerrilla unionizing tactics, minority unionism, solidarity strikes, and direct action on the shopfloor.

  We'll gladly forego legal protections against punitive firing of union organizers, and federal certification of unions, if you'll forego the court injunctions and cooling­off periods and arbitration. We'll leave you free to fire organizers at will, to bring back the yellow dog contract, if you leave us free to engage in sympathy and boycott strikes all the way up and down the production chain, boycott retailers, and strike against the hauling of scab cargo, etc., effectively turning every strike into a general strike. We give up Wagner (such as it is), and you give up Taft­Hartley and the Railway Labor Relations Act. … And then we'll mop the floor with your ass.

  A defense of wildcat unionism without government patronage, without government control, and without top-heavy bureaucracy…. [Details]
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  The Iron Fist Behind the Invisible Hand

  Kevin Carson (2001)

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  The current structure of capital ownership and organization of production in our so-called market economy, reflects coercive state intervention prior to and extraneous to the market. From the outset of the industrial revolution, what is nostalgically called laissez-faire was in fact a system of continuing state intervention to subsidize accumulation, guarantee privilege, and maintain work discipline… In fact, capitalism—a system of power in which ownership and control are divorced from labor—could not survive in a free market….

  A world in which peasants had held onto their land and property was widely distributed, capital was freely available to laborers through mutual banks, productive technology was freely available in every country without patents, and every people was free to develop locally without colonial robbery, is beyond our imagination. But it would have been a world of decentralized, small-scale production for local use, owned and controlled by those who did the work—as different from our world as day from night, or freedom from slavery….

  Our so-called "market" economy is dominated by a structure of capital ownership and organization of production that reflects state coercion and state privilege, not market forces. In fact, capitalism could not survive in a genuine free market…. [Details]
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  Crypto Anarchy and Virtual Communities

  Timothy C. May (1994)

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  The combination of strong, unbreakable public key cryptography and virtual network communities in cyberspace will produce interesting and profound changes in the nature of economic and social systems. Crypto anarchy is the cyberspatial realization of [anarchism], transcending national boundaries and freeing individuals to make the economic arrangements they wish to make consensually.

  Strong cryptography, exemplified by RSA (a public key algorithm) and PGP (Pretty Good Privacy), provides encryption that essentially cannot be broken with all the computing power in the universe. This ensures security and privacy. Public key cryptography is rightly considered to be a revolution.

  ... Governments see their powers eroded by these technologies, and are taking various well-known steps to try to limit the use of strong crypto by their subjects. The U.S. has several well-publicized efforts, including the Clipper chip, the Digital Telephony wiretap law, and proposals for "voluntary" escrow of cryptographic keys. Cypherpunks and others expect these efforts to be bypassed. Technology has let the genie out of the bottle. Crypto anarchy is liberating individuals from coercion by their physical neighbors--who cannot know who they are on the Net--and from governments. For libertarians, strong crypto provides the means by which government will be avoided.

  The combination of strong, unbreakable public key cryptography and virtual network communities in cyberspace will produce interesting and profound changes in the nature of economic and social systems. Crypto anarchy is the cyberspatial realization of anarchism, transcending national boundaries and freeing individuals to make the economic arrangements they wish to make consensually. [Details]
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  Security Culture: A Handbook for Activists

  Tao Collective (2001)

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  A practical guide, designed for people with an activist background in the U.S. and Canada, to keeping yourself safe and off the government's radar in your daily counter-economics, political actions, and underground organizing.

  Resistance has been on the rise for the past few years, with activists adopting more and more effective tactics for fighting back. Our increased activity and effectiveness has meant that the RCMP, FBI, and local police have continued to escalate their activities against us. As well, the events of September 11th and ensuing state hysteria are no small footnote to the way that our radical and revolutionary movements have and will be targeted by repressive state forces.

  If we want our direct action movement to continue, it is imperative we start tightening our security and taking ourselves more seriously. Now is the time to adopt a security culture. Good security is certainly the strongest defense we have.

  This is a handbook for the activist who is interested in creating and maintaining security awareness and culture in radical movements. ...

  A practical guide, designed for people with an activist background in the U.S. and Canada, to keeping yourself safe and off the government’s radar in your daily counter-economics, political actions, and underground organizing. [Details]
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  The Best of BAD Press: Tracts in Individualist Anarchism 1986–1999

  BAD Press (2001)

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  Ten dispatches on individualist anarchism from the Boston Anarchist Drinking Brigade, an individualist anarchist group founded in 1986 in Massachusetts, USA. Members included Joe Peacott, Jim Baker, and others; the aim of the group was [a] desire to avoid becoming a serious, committed, and humorless organization, coupled with the dissemination of individualist and other heretical ideas [that] made the BAD Brigade an object of continuous controversy within the anarchist scene. The Brigade is part of the individualist anarchist tradition whose roots can be traced back to the writings and works of mid-to-late 19th and early 20th century figures such as Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Josiah Warren, and Benjamin Tucker. This booklet includes the following broadsides:

  1. 01. Anarchism Without Hyphens
  2. 02. Individualism, Anarchy, and Compassion
  3. 03. Anarchism: Communist or Individualist? Both.
  4. 04. The Poverty of the Welfare State
  5. 05. Risky Business
  6. 06. Insult and Injury, Ideas and Actions
  7. 07. An Anarchist Defense of Pornography
  8. 08. Multiculturalism, Individualism, and Diversity
  9. 09. No Justice, No Peace, No Excuse
  10. 10. Where Are the Anarchists?

  Ten dispatches on individualist anarchism from BAD Press, the propaganda arm of the Boston Anarchist Drinking Brigade, an individualist anarchist group founded in 1986 in Massachusetts, USA. [Details]
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  The Death of Politics

  Karl Hess (1969)

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  Karl Hess is now remembered as one of the founders of Anarcho-Capitalism, but in the 60s Hess allied with SDS and marched with the Black Panthers. Here he argues that the political economy of laissez-faire (let it be) and individual freedom mean nothing less than a revolutionary anarchism, allied with the peace movement, the New Left, and grassroots social organizing.

  Unrest, riot, dissent and chaos notwithstanding, today’s politics is reactionary. Both left and right are reactionary and authoritarian. That is to say: Both are political. They seek only to revise current methods of acquiring and wielding political power. Radical and revolutionary movements seek not to revise but to revoke. The target of revocation should be obvious. The target is politics itself.

  Radicals and revolutionaries have had their sights trained on politics for some time. As governments fail around the world, as more millions become aware that government never has and never can humanely and effectively manage men’s affairs, government’s own inadequacy will emerge, at last, as the basis for a truly radical and revolutionary movement. ...

  Radical and revolutionary movements seek not to revise but to revoke. The target of revocation should be obvious. The target is politics itself. Radicals and revolutionaries have had their sights trained on politics for some time. As governments fail around the world, as more millions become aware that government never has and never can humanely and effectively manage men’s affairs, government’s own inadequacy will emerge, at last, as the basis for a truly radical and revolutionary movement. [Details]
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  Traditional Denial of Government: Emergence of the Idea which Succeeds It

  Pierre Joseph Proudhon (1851)

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  The classic analysis of the contradictions of statism, the ideal of authority, and the attempt to establish social order by imposing social control, by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, the 19^th century French radical who became the first political thinker to describe himself as an Anarchist. From Proudhon’s 1851 masterpiece, General Idea of the Revolution in the Twentieth Century.

  The classic analysis of the contradictions of statism, the ideal of authority, and the attempt to establish social order by imposing social control, by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, the 19^th century French radical who became the first political thinker to describe himself as an Anarchist. From Proudhon’s 1851 masterpiece, General Idea of the Revolution in the Twentieth Century. [Details]
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  The General Strike

  Ralph Chaplin (1933)

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  Produced and distributed by Southern Nevada ALL for an ad hoc organizing committee of the Industrial Workers of the World in Las Vegas. All proceeds from this booklet go towards local I.W.W. organizing in Las Vegas.

  When Ralph Chaplin wrote this pamphlet in 1933, workers all over the world faced an economic collapse like nothing they'd ever seen before. Old governments toppled, and new political movements swept across Europe and America — Fascism, Communism, and halfway regimes like Social Democracy, and the New Deal. Each promised the people salvation from misery, want, and fear. They asked for two things only: power, and obedience. They called for the government to take on massive new projects and unlimited new powers, to stimulate industry, take control over factories and farms, and to mobilize the people in great struggles to destroy the supposed enemies of the country or the workers. But rather than serving the interests of the country or the people, the new powers were used to promote the interest of the government. Promising unity, strength, liberation, prosperity, and peace, they delivered grinding depression, deadly famines, secret police, a command economy run not by workers but politicians and bureaucrats, and, finally, concentration camps, gulags, and a headling rush toward worldwide war.

  Chaplin believed that the only way forward was to reject the promises of the political movements. Workers did not need more powerful governments; they needed freedom and solidarity for themselves. Workers could not count on either corporate bosses or partisan politicians to save them; only workers could save themselves, by building a new society, where social order came from the people themselves, not from social control in the hands of a select few. The workers of the world could enjoy peace, freedom, and prosperity only if they took industry into their own hands — with workers themselves calling the shots, not bosses, bureaucrats, or government officials. Chaplin argued that the only way to bring about such a bottom-up social order was to begin creating the future we wanted to live in, in the here and now. In the General Strike, workers would not stop working; we would start working for ourselves, instead of for bosses and governments. We could take direct control of our own workplaces, working and trading directly with our fellow workers. We wouldn't need to overthrow bosses or rulers; we'd just cut them out of the loop.

  Produced and distributed by Southern Nevada ALL for an ad hoc organizing committee of the Industrial Workers of the World in Las Vegas. Chaplin’s classic on worker power, worker self-management, and the General Strike — a vision of worker power achieved through grassroots organization and radical solidarity that rejects the empty promises of political movements, and puts power directly into the hand of workers, rejecting political solutions in favor of bottom-up organizing and direct action by the workers themselves. [Details]
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  VA1: All Power to the Soviets!

  Murray Rothbard (1969)

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  Originally printed as Confiscation and the Homestead Principle.

  Rothbard is now remembered as the father of Anarcho-Capitalism, but in the 60s he argued for placing market anarchism on the revolutionary Left, and allied with SDS and the Black Panthers. Here he argues that principled libertarianism means defending freedom and genuine, labor- based property — not apologetics for politically-fabricated property titles or state-privileged corporate capitalism — that radical free-market principles support student occupations of universities and workers’ councils seizing factories and property from corporations embedded in the military-industrial complex.

  The [homestead] principle applies to nominally ‘private’ property which really comes from the State .... Columbia University, for example, which receives nearly 2/3 of its income from government, is only a ‘private’ college in the most ironic sense. It deserves a similar fate of virtuous home- steading confiscation. But if Columbia University, what of General Dynamics? What of the myriad of corporations which are integral parts of the military- industrial complex, which not only get over half or sometimes virtually all their revenue from the government but also participate in mass murder? What are their credentials to ‘private’ property? Surely less than zero. As ... co-founders of the garrison state, they deserve confiscation and reversion of their property to the genuine private sector as rapidly as possible. To say that their ‘private’ property must be respected is to say that the property stolen by the horsethief and the murderer must be ‘respected’.

  Rothbard is now remembered as the father of Anarcho-Capitalism, but in the 60s he argued for placing market anarchism on the revolutionary Left, and allied with SDS and the Black Panthers. Here he argues that radical free-market principles support student occupations of universities and workers’ councils seizing factories and property from corporations embedded in the military-industrial complex. [Details]
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  VA2: "Capitalistic" Anarchism?

  Voltairine de Cleyre & Rosa Slobodinsky (1893)

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  Originally printed as The Individualist and the Communist (a dialogue).

  A dialogue between an individualist anarchist and a communist anarchist on freedom, competition, equality, and a world without rulers. By Rosa Slobodinsky (an individualist writer and physician) and Voltairine de Cleyre, a writer & lecturer who Emma Goldman described as the most gifted and brilliant anarchist woman America ever produced.

  You are the apostle of capitalistic Anarchism!

  Capitalistic Anarchism? Oh, yes, if you choose to call it so. Names are indifferent to me; I am not afraid of bugaboos. Let it be so, then, capitalistic Anarchism...

  Free competition. Why do you make that demand? Isn't competition free now?

  No. But one of the three factors in production is free. Laborers are free to compete among themselves, and so are capitalists to a certain extent. But between laborers and capitalists there is no competition whatever, because through governmental privilege granted to capital ... the owners of it are enabled to keep the laborers dependent on them for employment, so making the condition of wage-subjection perpetual.

  A dialogue between an individualist anarchist and a communist anarchist on freedom, competition, equality, and a world without rulers. [Details]
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  VA3: Community Watch, Protective Firms & Popular Courts

  Murray Rothbard (1970)

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  Originally printed as Defense Services in the Free Market.

  Under anarchy, if there are no government cops to protect you and no government courts to resolve disputes, wouldn’t everyone just fight? Market anarchist theorist Murray Rothbard explains why not, offering an in-depth discussion of the mechanics of how people in a free society could cooperate to develop voluntary, neighborhood-based networks and institutions for protection and settling dispute — and of the historical precedents that show why these grassroots institutions could and would work better than government-controlled police and courts.

  Under anarchy, if there are no government cops to protect you and no government courts to resolve disputes, wouldn’t everyone just fight? Market anarchist theorist Murray Rothbard lays out why not... [Details]
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  VA4: Mutual Aid in Medicine

  Roderick Long (1993)

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  Originally printed as How Government Solved the Healthcare Crisis: medical insurance that worked—until government fixed it.

  Why do we have a healthcare crisis today? Because government solved the last one ....

  In “How Government Solved the Healthcare Crisis,” market anarchist theorist Roderick Long discusses the history of the grassroots mutual aid associations that working-class folks organized to get access to affordable healthcare — until the State, at the behest of Big Medicine, deliberately set out to edge them out and shut them down, by any means necessary.

  Why do we have a healthcare crisis today? Because government "solved" the last one …. [Details]
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  VA5: Fuck Neoliberalism, Fuck Borders

  BAD Press (2000)

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  Cover: R-rated G-rated

  Originally printed as An Anarchist Look at World Trade.

  If you need a version of this booklet with a G-rated cover, it is also available as Against Neoliberalism, Against Borders. Just request the alternate cover in your order.

  Neither neo-liberalism nor government borders offer freedom or an adequate living for working people: they are just two different forms of government control, which take the power out of the hands of working people and put it in the hands of either international trade bureaucrats and politically- connected CEOs, or else the rulers of police states and “democratically-elected” governments. This booklet, from the late, great Boston Anarchist Drinking Brigade, looks at the ways in which “free trade” agreements only manage government intervention in economic life, leaving government privilege for big business intact; and also the ways in which the solutions offered by the statist Left and right-wing protectionists—fortifying and locking down the imaginary border-lines that governments tear through our communities—provides no real alternative at all, but only more political control by our would-be rulers.

  The WTO does not propose to free up trade between individuals, either. It sets rules which the bureaucrats who run the organization feel best serve the interests of corporations favored by the various governments that make it up. ... We need to get the various national democratic governments, as well as the WTO, off the backs of the people they push around and brutalize. If democracy, like voting, really changed anything, it would be prohibited.

  Neither neo-liberalism nor government borders offer freedom … they are just two different forms of government control…. [Details]
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  VA6: Scratching By

  Charles Johnson (2007)

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  Originally printed as Scratching By: How Government Creates Poverty As We Know It.

  Look around any government agency and you’ll never fail to find some know-it-all with a suit and a nameplate on his desk who has just the right government program to eliminate or ameliorate, or at least contain, the worst aspects of grinding poverty in American cities .... But the one thing that the government and its managerial aid workers will never do is just get out of the way and let poor people do the things that poor people naturally do, and always have done, to scratch by. ... Urban poverty as we know it is, in fact, exclusively a creature of state intervention in consensual economic dealings. ...

  Scratching By draws its analysis of urban poverty from the day-to-day strategies adopted by poor people themselves, as seen in direct action projects like the South Central Farm and the Umoja Village housing project—creative hustling, urban homesteading, and other alternatives to corporate capitalism—alternatives systematically suppressed by state privilege. Radical solidarity demands, then, neither jails nor charity nor government social workers—it demands getting the state's boots from off of poor people's necks.

  How government structures urban poverty as we know it: the war on the informal sector, deliberate assaults on poor people’s creative survival strategies, and repressing alternatives to corporate capitalism …. [Details]
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  VA7: International Apartheid

  Charles Johnson (2007, 2008)

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  Originally printed as Two Essays on Government Border Laws and Anti-Immigrant Segregation.

  Two essays by the individualist anarchist writer Charles Johnson on the brutal consequences of government border laws and the need for uncompromising urgency in the struggle to abolish them.

  According to the ruling elite of the United States, as well as the rank-and-file of the Know-Nothing bellowing blowhard busybody brigade, all the people of the world must be segregated according to their nationality. If they won’t stay in ‘their’ place voluntarily, then the government had better make them stay there through paramilitary lockdowns at national borders and rigid enforcement of a state-imposed passbook (‘visa,’ ‘passport’) system to control where people can live and work, which is to say a system of government permission slips for existing.

  And all for what? To avoid the voluntary co-mingling of people from different countries? To ensure that the people of the world hear only one language, live and work with people of only one nationality, remain segregated, either by penning them up in their government-appointed place or else by making sure you can monitor all their movements according to a government-created system of passbooks and minders? The idea would be laughable if not for all the ghosts—the ghosts of millions upon millions of real, living, irreplaceable and unique individual people, who were turned back, ruined, persecuted, mutilated, tortured, starved, and murdered for the sake of that idea. There is another way….

  Two essays by the individualist anarchist writer Charles Johnson on the brutal consequences of government border laws and the need for uncompromising urgency in the struggle to abolish them. [Details]
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  VA8: If You Work For Peace, Stop Paying For War!

  Gina Lunori (2003)

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  Originally printed as It's Revolution Time Again.

  After electoral Change has come and gone, while the war drags on without end, Gina Lunori’s call for new strategies in the struggle against the warfare State is a much needed bit of clarity and serious thought. If we are going to get out from under, it will take new efforts that bypass electoral politics and strike at the root of the matter — by denying the warfare State the material support that it needs to sustain itself.

  Voting is kind of like gambling on sports, but slightly more sacred …. You’ve got to play to win, and playing with only a vote is hardly playing at all. The people who place big bets, in large denominations, are the ones who get the big pay-outs. The rest of us are just paying the house. … Myself, I'm sick of arguing with the government. I don’t have any more argument with the government — I know what kind of beast it is, and I know what kind of woman I am. … If you love liberty, if you hate war, you should at once withdraw your support from the government. Withdrawing your moral support isn’t enough — it’s your practical support that the government feeds on — it doesn’t give a damn what your opinions are….

  Introduced October 2008.

  If we are going to get out from under, it will take new efforts that bypass electoral politics and strike at the root of the matter — by denying the warfare State the material support that it needs to sustain itself. [Details]
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  VA9: Don't Owe Nothin'

  David Gross (2003)

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  If you want to take direct action against the warfare State by resisting taxes, the next question is how you go about doing that. For those who want to avoid a potentially disastrous confrontation with the IRS, anti-war tax-resistance David Gross (of The Picket Line blog) offers this practical how-to guide on eliminating your tax liability by living simply, reducing your reported income, and taking advantage of tax credits available to low-income filers.

  Introduced October 2008.

  A practical guide on how to take direct action against the warfare State by resisting taxes, without risking a potentially disastrous confrontation with the IRS. [Details]
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  VA10: Women and the Invisible Fist

  Charles Johnson (2008)

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  Because of … the way in which that pervasive, diffuse threat of violence constrains the liberty of women in everyday life to move and act and live as they want, libertarians and anarchists must recognize patriarchy as a system of violent political oppression older, no less invasive, and no less powerful, than the violence of the police state or the warfare state. But unlike the kinds of State violence to which male anarchists and libertarians are accustomed to discuss — violent restrictions of freedom handed down according to explicit State policies, ratified through political processes, promulgated from the top down and consciously carried out by officially appointed or deputized agents of the State — patriarchy expresses itself in attitudes, behaviors, and coercive restrictions that are largely produced by bottom-up, decentralized forms of violence … without conscious collaboration or conspiracy, sometimes in conflict with the explicit provisions of the law…. It’s important to recognize that the coercive social order that arises from this kind of diffuse gender violence, both as a direct consequence and as social, psychological, or economic ripple effects from the direct consequences — is no less real, no less effective, no less important, and no less evil, for being undesigned, for battering women into the social position they currently occupy as if by an invisible fist….

  Introduced October 2008.

  Because of … the way in which that pervasive, diffuse threat of violence constrains the liberty of women in everyday life to move and act and live as they want, libertarians and anarchists must recognize patriarchy as a system of violent political oppression older, no less invasive, and no less powerful, than the violence of the police state or the warfare state. [Details]
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  VA11: Woman vs. the Nation State

  Carol Moore (1991, 2006)

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  “So long as it remains legitimate for men to dream of gaining and maintaining centralized power through revolutionary or state violence, violence against individual women will remain a small matter. Therefore anti-authoritarian women are not merely estranged from male-dominated nation states; they reject their legitimacy and defacto seek their abolition. … Anti-authoritarian women know that putting an end to male personal, political and military violence will mean the rapid dissolution of the nation state system. The threat or use of police and military violence created and maintains almost all nation states.

  “Anti-authoritarian women offer as an alternative to the nation state decentralized, non-violent communities joined only in a variety of voluntary regional, continental, and worldwide confederations. … To prevent communities from becoming mere patriarchal mini-despotisms, anti-authoritarian women promote consensual decision making and nonviolent sanctions…. Non- violent sanctions such as peer pressure, publicity, boycott, and protest could be equally effective and less open to abuse. These new forms of controls would eliminate the warrior ethic and weapons of war….”

  Introduced October 2008.

  Anti-authoritarian women know that putting an end to male personal, political and military violence will mean the rapid dissolution of the nation state system. ... Anti-authoritarian women offer as an alternative to the nation state decentralized, non-violent communities joined only in a variety of voluntary ... confederations. [Details]
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  VA12: Free Market Anti-Capitalism?

  Benjamin Tucker (1886)

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  Originally printed as State Socialism and Anarchism: how far the agree, and wherein they differ.

  The query then naturally presented itself why all prices do not fall to labor cost: where there is any room for incomes acquired otherwise than by labor; in a word, why the usurer, the receiver of interest, rent, and profit, exists. The answer was found in the present one-sidedness of competition ... Capital had so manipulated legislation that unlimited competition is allowed in supplying productive labor, thus keeping wages down to the starvation point, or as near it as practicable; ... but that [through the state monopoly] almost no competition at all is allowed in supplying capital, upon the aid of which both productive and distributive labor are dependent for their power of achievement. …

  Introduced February 2009.

  Benjamin Tucker's classic presentation of the case for laissez-faire socialism — against both the authoritarian violence of State Socialism, and the kleptocracy of corporate capitalism supported by government privileges for the Four Monopolies. [Details]
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  VA13: Libertarianism Through Thick and Thin

  Charles Johnson (2008)

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  To what extent should libertarians concern themselves with social commitments, practices, projects or movements that seek social outcomes beyond, or other than, the standard libertarian commitment to expanding the scope of freedom from government coercion?

  Clearly, a consistent and principled libertarian cannot support efforts or beliefs that are contrary to libertarian principle—such as efforts to engineer social outcomes by means of government intervention. But if coercive laws have been taken off the table, what hsould libertarians say about other religious, philosophical, social, or cultural commiments that pursue their ends through non-coercive means, such as targeted moral agitation, mass education, artistic or literary propaganda, charity, mutual aid, public praise, ridicule, social ostracism, targeted boycotts, social investing, slow-downs and strikes in a particular shop, general strikes, or other forms of solidarity and coordinated action? Which social movements should they oppose, which should they support, and towards which should they counsel indifference? And how to we tell the difference?

  Abstracting from the numerous, often mutually exclusive details of specific cultural projects that have been recommended or condemned in the name of libertarianism, the question of general principle has to do with whether libertarianism should be seen as a thin commitment, which can be happily joined to absolutely any non-coercive set of values and projects, or whether it should instead be seen as one strand among others in a thick bundle of intertwined social commitments ...

  In this article, individualist anarchist Charles Johnson lays out six different ways that libertarians might connect other forms of social transformation, such as feminism, anti-racism, labor radicalism, or environmentalism, to the struggle against state coercion — and argues that libertarians should see opposition to state coercion as one strand among others in a thick bundled of intertwined social commitments, aiming to resist multiple, interlocking systems of oppression.

  Introduced September 2009.

  Libertarians and anarchists all agree on the need for a free society, based on principles of individual liberty and free association. But once we are free, what kind of associations should we voluntarily form? Should we see our opposition to state coercion as a thin commitment, which can be happily joined to absolutely any set of values and projects, as long as they are carried out non-coercively? Should anti-statists happily accept any social arrangement, as long as it’s peaceful? Or should we see opposition to state coercion as one strand among others in a thick bundled of intertwined social commitments, aiming to resist multiple, interlocking systems of oppression? [Details]
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  VA14: Libertarianism Feminism: Can This Marriage Be Saved?

  Roderick Long and Charles Johnson (2005)

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  The case for a radical libertarian feminism — a critique of the state and of patriarchy which understands both as parts of an interlocking system of oppression, and which draws on the insights of both radical libertarianism, and radical feminism, in the effort to analyze, undermine, and abolish both statism and sex-class.

  Libertarianism and feminism, when they have encountered each other, have most often taken each other for polar opposites. Many 20^th century libertarians have dismissed or attacked feminism—when they have addressed it at all—as just another wing of Left-wing statism; many feminists have dismissed or attacked libertarianism—when they have addressed it at all—as either Angry White Male reaction or an extreme faction of the ideology of the liberal capitalist state. But we hold that both judgments are unjust; many of the problems in combining libertarianism with feminism turn out to be little more than terminological conflicts that arose from shifting political alliances in the course of the 20^th century; and most if not all of the substantive disagreements can be negotiated within positions already clearly established within the feminist and libertarian traditions. ...

  ... In an important sense, putting the libertarian in libertarian feminism will not be importing anything new into radical feminism at all; if anything, it is more a matter of urging feminists to radicalize the insights into male power and state power that they have already developed, and to expand the state-free politics that they have already put into practice. Similarly, a radical libertarianism aligned with a radical feminism may confront many concerns that are new to 20^th century libertarians; but in confronting them they will only be returning to their 19^th century roots, and radicalizing the individualist critique of systemic political violence and its cultural preconditions to encompass those forms faced by female individuals as well as male.

  Introduced October 2009.

  The case for a radical libertarian feminism — a critique of the state and of patriarchy which understands both as parts of an interlocking system of oppression, and which draws on the insights of both radical libertarianism, and radical feminism, in the effort to analyze, undermine, and abolish both statism and sex-class. [Details]
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  VA15: Property to the People! Expropriate the Expropriators!

  Karl Hess (1969)

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  Originally printed as Where Are The Specifics?.

  Karl Hess argues that defending individual property and freed markets does not mean apologetics for actually-existing economic arrangements or concentrations of wealth, which are dependent on colonial theft and state privilege. Quite the oppose, principles of individual property actually mean revolutionary redistribution of wealth away from state capitalists and towards workers and farmers, including support for militant reclaim-the-land movements, and the occupation of state-capitalist enterprises by organized workers and community councils.

  Libertarianism wants to advance principles of property but ... in no way wishes to defend, willy nilly, all property which is now called private. Much of that property is stolen. Much is of dubious title. All of it is deeply intertwined with an immoral, coercive state system which has condoned, built on, and profited from slavery; has expanded through and exploited a brutal and aggressive imperial and colonial foreign policy, and continues to hold people in a roughly serf-master relationship to political-economic power concentrations.

  [Genuine respect for property and marks] is a far cry from sharing common ground with those who want to create a society in which super capitalists are free to amass vast holdings and who say that that is ultimately the most important purpose of freedom .... Libertarianism is a people's movement and a liberation movement.

  This is the article that inspired Murray Rothbard's Confiscation and the Homestead Principle, which was reprinted as MA01: All Power to the Soviets!

  Introduced February 2010.

  Karl Hess argues that defending individual property and freed markets does not mean apologetics for actually-existing economic arrangements or concentrations of wealth, which are dependent on colonial theft and state privilege. Quite the oppose, principles of individual property actually mean revolutionary redistribution of wealth away from state capitalists and towards workers and farmers, including support for militant reclaim-the-land movements, and the occupation of state-capitalist enterprises by organized workers and community councils. This is the article that inspired Murray Rothbard's Confiscation and the Homestead Principle, which was reprinted as MA01: All Power to the Soviets! [Details]
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  VA16: Liberty, Equality, Solidarity

  Charles Johnson (2008)

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  The purpose of this essay is political revolution. And I don’t mean a revolution in libertarian political theory, or a revolutionary new political strategy, or the kind of revolution that consists in electing a cadre of new and better politicians to the existing seats of power. When I say a revolution, I mean the real thing: I hope that this essay will contribute to the overthrow of the United States government, and indeed all governments everywhere in the world. You might think that the argument of an academic essay is a pretty slender reed to lean on; but then, every revolution has to start somewhere, and in any case what I have in mind may be somewhat different from what you imagine. For now, it will be enough to say that I intend to give you some reasons to become an individualist anarchist, and undermine some of the arguments for preferring minimalist government to anarchy. In the process, I will argue that the form of anarchism I defend is best understood from what Chris Sciabarra has described as a dialectical orientation in social theory, as part of a larger effort to understand and to challenge interlocking, mutually reinforcing systems of oppression, of which statism is an integral part—but only one part among others. Not only is libertarianism part of a radical politics of human liberation, it is in fact the natural companion of revolutionary Leftism and radical feminism.

  To be introduced in March 2010.

  The purpose of this essay is political revolution. And I don’t mean a revolution in libertarian political theory, or a revolutionary new political strategy, or the kind of revolution that consists in electing a cadre of new and better politicians to the existing seats of power. When I say a revolution, I mean the real thing: I hope that this essay will contribute to the overthrow of the United States government, and indeed all governments everywhere in the world... An essay on radical individualism, revolution, and the interconnection of struggles. [Details]
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  ALLiance a journal of theory and strategy

  Edited by Lawrence ALLy Chris Lempa

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  Issue: Spring 2010 (#4) Fall 2009 (#3) Beltaine 2009 (#2*) Samhain/Yule 2008 (#1)

  ALLiance is a new journal publishing analysis and strategy for the libertarian left, with a focus on moving beyond explanations of what's wrong to a critical discussion of moving these ideas forward and taking concrete steps towards making our lives and our communities freer. Strategies will be diverse and differ in reach and risk. Anything from encrypting email to tax avoidance will be included. ALLiance especially focuses on realistic methods of social change that undermine or bypass the reformist quagmires and empty power-plays of electoral politics.

  Most recent issue: No. 4 (Spring 2010).

  ALLiance is a new journal publishing analysis and strategy for the libertarian left. [Details]

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